Woolworths’ Financial Services division has launched a new tier for the retailer’s rewards programme, exclusively for customers with a Woolies Credit Card or Store Card.
This comes as South African retailers are investing heavily in expanding their rewards programmes to increase customer loyalty and gain market share.
On Friday, 3 July, Woolworths Financial Services announced the launch of MyDifference PLUS, which rewards customers for shopping and for the way in which they manage their accounts.
“With MyDifference PLUS, we’re empowering customers to unlock greater value on their own terms through completion of actions that result in meaningful cashback, personalised offers, and exclusive savings,” Woolworths Financial Services chief customer officer Maré Louw.
“By putting choice, relevance, and flexibility at the heart of the experience, we’ve created a programme that is not only more rewarding but one that builds deeper, more enduring customer relationships.”
With MyDifference PLUS, cashback earn rates are achieved by completing personalised actions such as paying on time, shopping regularly with a Woolies Credit Card or Store Card, engaging with the Woolies app, or setting up a debit order.
Woolworths customers can also unlock personalised vouchers by achieving shopping goals tailored to their purchasing habits.
MyDifference PLUS also offers promotions that provide additional savings through exclusive discounts on selected Woolworths products when customers pay with their Woolies Credit Card or Store Card.
“Today’s customers expect loyalty programmes to do far more than deliver discounts at the till, Louw said.
“They expect every interaction to be recognised, every engagement to be meaningful, and every reward to reflect the value of their relationship with the brand.”
“MyDifference PLUS represents a new generation of loyalty, one that transforms daily spending and engagement with their Woolies cards into an ongoing rewards journey.”
Customers can access the MyDifference programme through the Woolworths app.
Fighting for loyalty
Woolworths’ move comes as South African retailers are investing heavily in their reward programmes as a way to ensure customer loyalty.
A strong rewards programme has emerged as a necessary component to compete in South Africa’s increasingly competitive retail landscape.
This is because South African consumers are highly price sensitive and willing to go to different retailers based on promotions, price differences, and discounts.
Therefore, measures that reward customer loyalty can be an effective way for retailers to ensure they remain top of mind with consumers and to encourage further brand loyalty.
In Woolworths’ latest results presentation for the 26 weeks ended 28 December 2025, the retailer said it is doubling down on its MyDifference programme.
“We are doubling down on ensuring that we lead in customer experience, across all channels, leveraging our loyalty programmes and innovative technologies,” the retailer said.
Woolworths reported that its loyalty programme is driving incremental sales and stronger cross-shopping behaviour from customers.
To boost their rewards programmes, some South African retailers have also partnered with other companies to offer greater value for loyal customers.
For example, Pick n Pay’s partnership with FNB has been highly successful, with the companies having joined forces with their Smart Shopper and eBucks programmes, respectively.
The companies recently reported that, in just the past year, they have returned more than R600 million in value to customers.
They have also sold 6.2 million burgers through the Burger Friday promotion and issued R45 million worth of Pick n Pay vouchers.
The partnership was recently extended to include Boxer, with eBucks CEO Pieter Woodhatch telling Daily Investor that this relationship makes sense given the retailer’s market and proposition.
“If we think about our customer and how we give value back, Boxer makes sense. If you walk into the store, you will see the promise to never pay more than the Boxer price,” he said.
Shoprite’s Xtra Savings rewards programme has also gone from strength to strength.
For the 26 weeks ended 28 December 2025, Shoprite reported that it had given R9.7 billion in instant Xtra Savings discounts to its customers.
Cosatu Western Cape and the Western Cape Coalition against Xenophobia (WCC-AX) held a media briefing in Salt River and accused the Department of Home Affairs of keeping migrants “stateless, without papers and in a state of limbo” amid concerns about the June 30 deadline and related protests.
Groups oppose March and March and linked xenophobic actions
At the briefing, Cosatu’s Malvern de Bruyn read a joint statement on behalf of both organisations saying they “stand united and opposed to groups affiliated to March and March on the escalating assault on African migrants.” The statement described the so-called 30 June deadline as already having “caused so much chaos, suffering, and violence.”
What Cosatu and WCC-AX said
De Bruyn said the campaign was “a particularly brutal attempt to divide the working class and the poor” and argued it was intended “to distract attention from the abject failures of the government over more than 30 years, to build an economy that works for ordinary people.”
He warned the deadline “risks being but one of many upsurges of mass repatriations, tribalism, threats, and bullying.”
De Bruyn also criticised what he called a failure by the Department of Home Affairs, saying:
“Blaming undocumented migrants fails to hold the Department of Home Affairs accountable for its role in keeping people stateless, without papers and in a state of limbo. The Department of Home Affairs is itself in effect creating undocumented migrants by failing to process them efficiently, if at all.”
Voices from the coalition and migrant community
WCC-AX’s Danmore Chuma, identified in the briefing as from Zimbabwe, said he feels “really disturbed and betrayed” that the working class and poor are pitted against each other instead of uniting to tackle “unemployment, poverty, inequality, and posterity.”
Chuma added:
“Immigrants are not people who are irrelevant. Immigrants are not objects. Immigrants are people who have contributed, people who can contribute to the economic development of the country.”
Responses and national remarks
The office of Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber was contacted for comment, the briefing noted.
President Cyril Ramaphosa commented on the right to protest, saying that while it is constitutionally protected it “does not allow people to threaten or intimidate others, or to engage in acts of vandalism or violence.” He said government accepts the immigration system “requires substantial reform” and outlined actions including strengthening border management, increasing enforcement against undocumented immigration, improving asylum and visa integrity, and addressing corruption that has weakened immigration control.
Premier Alan Winde was also quoted, saying:
“Anyone acting outside of the law must be arrested and prosecuted. We fully respect every resident’s constitutional right to protest. However, this right must always be exercised peacefully and within the bounds of the law. I call on all residents to reject violence in all its forms.”
Calls to the public
Cosatu and WCC-AX urged South Africans to “reject the 30 June fabricated deadline,” to report actions against migrants to authorities and civil society groups, and to “act in the spirit of ubuntu and support their neighbours,” according to the joint statement read by De Bruyn.
South Africa is currently on the edge as nationwide anti-migrant protests spark fears of xenophobic violence.
NaijaOnPoint Nigeria reports that an atmosphere of uncertainty and fear gripped several communities across South Africa on Monday ahead of nationwide anti-migrant protests, with authorities warning against violence as thousands of foreign nationals prepared for possible unrest.
The demonstrations, organised by anti-migrant groups, coincide with a June 30 deadline they set for undocumented immigrants to leave the country, following weeks of protests, intimidation and attacks targeting foreign nationals.
Although President Cyril Ramaphosa’s administration has appealed to protesters to exercise their constitutional rights peacefully, thousands of migrants remain stranded in temporary camps, while many others have chosen to leave South Africa through voluntary repatriation programmes.
Several African countries, including Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi and the Democratic Republic of Congo, have begun evacuating citizens who no longer feel safe remaining in South Africa.
Nigeria has already repatriated 324 citizens through two official evacuation flights under an emergency voluntary return programme.
Official estimates place the documented Nigerian population in South Africa at between 25,000 and 35,000 people.
Many migrants say growing threats and hostility forced them to abandon their homes and livelihoods.
One migrant said he decided to leave after neighbours repeatedly warned that foreigners would be attacked once the June 30 deadline expired.
“That’s why today I decided to join our brothers and go home,” he said.
Another migrant disclosed that he was forced to leave his children behind with his South African wife after she informed him she could no longer support the family alone.
The protests follow reports that at least three migrants—two Mozambicans and one Malawian—have been killed in recent weeks, further heightening fears of xenophobic violence.
In response, South African authorities have increased security across the country, warning that anyone attempting to incite violence or take the law into their own hands will be arrested.
Police and private security agencies have identified Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape as potential flashpoints.
In a statement issued on Sunday, President Ramaphosa acknowledged that peaceful protest is protected under South Africa’s Constitution but stressed that intimidation, threats and violence would not be tolerated.
“The right to protest and freedom of expression does not allow people to threaten or intimidate others, or to engage in acts of vandalism or violence,” he said.
Ramaphosa reaffirmed that South Africa remains a constitutional democracy governed by the rule of law and reminded citizens that many foreign nationals live and work legally in the country.
“Some foreign nationals who live in South Africa are here lawfully. They work, study, raise families, invest in our economy, and contribute positively to our society. They, too, are entitled to the protection of our laws and our Constitution,” the President stated.
He also welcomed assurances from some protest organisers that demonstrations would remain peaceful, warning that they would be held accountable should violence occur.
Despite the government’s appeal, many businesses planned to close temporarily over fears that protests could disrupt commercial activities.
However, business groups and labour unions rejected claims that migrants are responsible for South Africa’s economic challenges.
A coalition within the National Economic Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC), comprising COSATU, FEDUSA, SAFTU and NACTU, argued that unemployment, poverty, corruption, economic stagnation and weak governance—not migrants—are the real causes of the country’s economic difficulties.
“Removing foreign nationals from workplaces, communities, or public spaces will not reopen factories or create sustainable jobs,” the coalition said, urging authorities to focus on addressing the country’s underlying economic problems.
The organisations also warned that rising anti-migrant rhetoric risks deepening social divisions while distracting attention from longstanding governance failures.
Business chambers, including the Johannesburg Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Pietermaritzburg Chamber of Business, stopped short of advising members to shut down but recommended avoiding unnecessary travel, particularly in areas identified as protest hotspots.
Meanwhile, thousands of migrants continued waiting in makeshift camps for transportation back to their home countries.
At a temporary camp near Durban, 28-year-old Wilson Petro expressed relief at finally leaving after days of uncertainty.
“We are here because we have been struggling as foreigners. Today we will be leaving this camp and going to Limpopo and then, hopefully, to Malawi,” he said.
Nearby, families lived under difficult conditions, with clothes hanging from perimeter fences while parents and children waited anxiously for evacuation.
At the Che Guevara Home Affairs office, asylum seeker Salima Tusame said she had spent nearly five weeks trying to resolve her immigration status despite possessing valid documentation.
“I came to South Africa in 2015, and I have been at this Home Affairs for five weeks because of the march. I know I have papers which allow me to stay in South Africa, but they don’t care whether you have papers or not,” she said.
Tusame alleged she had experienced verbal and physical abuse and could no longer continue her fruit-selling business due to growing hostility toward foreigners.
“I don’t know what will happen with the planned protests tomorrow,” she added.
KwaZulu-Natal Premier Thami Ntuli also appealed for calm, warning against a repeat of the destructive unrest that engulfed the province in July 2021.
“July 2021 set us back years; we have not yet fully recovered. That is the price chaos extracted from this province,” Ntuli said.
“We buried that pain once. We will not dig that grave again—not for unrest, and not for hatred dressed up as protest.”
As South Africa entered a day of nationwide demonstrations, security agencies remained on high alert amid growing concerns that the protests could escalate into another wave of xenophobic violence if not properly contained.
Business Unity South Africa (Busa) has made the “difficult but crucial” decision to withdraw from the Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF) structures at the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac).
The business organization confirmed this choice in a statement on Wednesday, announcing the withdrawal of its members from the UIF board.
This action follows six years of ongoing dialogue and persistent warnings about alleged mismanagement, along with efforts to implement labor reforms.
“Regrettably, these initiatives have not yielded the anticipated results,” remarked Busa CEO Khulekani Mathe.
“This decision is essential to safeguard the integrity of our representatives, uphold sound governance standards, and clearly convey that the current situation is untenable.”
Since 2020, organized business and labor have engaged in various efforts aimed at reforming the UIF.
Busa has submitted detailed proposals targeting governance, operational efficiency, and improvements in service delivery.
In 2024, major corporations sought the establishment of a task team at Nedlac to create a viable plan for resolving the UIF’s deficiencies.
However, Busa pointed out that the reform process has become stagnant over the past two years, leading to persistent dysfunction, operational failures, and ongoing lack of responsiveness.
“This has diminished confidence in the process and raised concerns that the fund is either unwilling or unable to address its dysfunction,” Mathe elaborated.
Read: You may be sending your UIF claim to a non-functional website
The organization has also highlighted long-standing issues, including the diversion of UIF resources to government-to-government programs that benefit non-contributors, while rightful contributors face delays in their claim submissions.
Busa believes that the UIF-Ters (temporary employer/employee relief scheme) during the Covid-19 pandemic should have emphasized the need for efficient systems and accountability; instead, it exposed critical flaws in the fund’s administration.
The alleged mismanagement of UIF funds has been well-documented.
In 2020, during the Covid-19 Relief Funds Audit, then-Auditor General Kimi Makwetu identified several issues, including payments to deceased individuals, duplicate payments, overpayments, and government officials benefiting from the scheme.
Last year, Parliament’s Select Committee on Economic Development and Trade reported that the UIF disbursed over R800 million in Ters funding, yet more than R200 million was unaccounted for.
Busa calls on Minister of Employment and Labour Nomakhosazana Meth to place the UIF under administration to stabilize its operations, resolve claim backlogs, and address governance concerns.
“A forensic investigation should commence to assess the legality and appropriateness of all fund expenditures,” Mathe stated.
The growing pressure to put the UIF under administration follows recent demands from major trade union federations, including Cosatu, Saftu, and the National Council of Trade Unions.
Meth, in a statement issued in June, welcomed an investigation by the Special Investigating Unit into allegations of maladministration, corruption, and unlawful actions related to training contracts at the agency.
It remains unclear whether she has heeded calls for an independent administrator to intervene.
Moneyweb has reached out to Meth’s office for comments on this matter and will update the story upon receiving a response.
RESPONDING to the current anti-immigrant crisis in South Africa, former President Thabo Mbeki is fundamentally wrong when he strongly asserted that the country is under an externally organised and coordinated political destabilisation campaign and that it was not a spontaneous eruption.
I completely disagree with Mbeki. Instead, the root causes of the unprecedented anti-immigrant crisis, while very complex, multifaceted and convoluted, are deeply systemic and structural.
It is not true that these huge and combustible protests, especially over the past few weeks, suggest that these are the results of an organised effort to isolate South Africa from the rest of the African continent.
I think Mbeki wants to deflect our attention from his role in our current neoliberal economic policies, especially when the Reconstruction & Development Plan office was shut down in March 1996 and just three months later, in June, the Growth, Employment & Redistribution and Strategy (Gear) was imposed by the ANC government, in which he, as deputy president, and former finance minister Trevor Manuel played the biggest roles.
The allies of the ANC, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), have, in public, many times criticised these policies and attribute the ongoing austerity budgets we are saddled with to those macroeconomic policies.
While the roots of the current unlawful immigration crisis are undoubtedly serious problems with corruption and inefficiencies at the Home Affairs Department over many years, there must be no doubt that we have had an unprecedented socioeconomic crisis which has had a devastating effect on the daily lives of the majority black working-class communities.
Things have never been as bad as they are today in South Africa. We have the biggest jobless, food, health, housing and education crisis since 1994, if not since the Union of South Africa was formed in 1910.
It is a devastating crisis which has torn communities apart, affecting both South Africans and immigrants from other parts of Africa.
It is this same and ever-worsening crisis which has pitted poor Black South Africans in townships against immigrant workers and small business operators, such as spaza shop owners.
We have had a generalised infrastructural crisis for many years, which has increased cost-of-living pressures on both these sections of what is essentially a Black working class living under similar social conditions.
When people are daily and intensely affected by a devastating socioeconomic crisis and struggling to survive, they tend to take out their accumulated frustrations on others within their communities. In this sense, there indeed has been a largely scapegoating of African migrants from other countries in Africa.
But it was the responsibility of the government to have taken administrative enforcement measures to deal with and act against unlawful or undocumented migrants over the years. They did not do so or certainly not to the extent necessary.
This is the root cause of the undocumented crisis, and there can be no doubt that corruption in the Home Affairs department played a huge role in this administrative failure.
So, it is not only a failure by undocumented migrants to deal with the problems, but also the failure by the authorities to enforce the relevant laws timeously. It is this administrative failure by Home Affairs which must bear the biggest responsibility for the undocumented crisis.
But to understand the real roots of this crisis, we need to locate it within the overall societal context we have had for many years. This has been a context of persistent cost-of-living increases and daily struggles to eke out a living in the black townships.
It is this context which gave rise to both Operation Dudula and the March and March organisations. While much of the conduct and sentiments of supporters of these organisations do point to xenophobic and Afrophobic elements, I think it is a worsening socioeconomic crisis which underlies it.
I repeat what I stated recently: the crisis is not really as a result of conscious xenophobia or Afrophobia by Black South Africans towards Africans from other parts of the continent but much more the devastating impacts of a worsening socioeconomic crisis of unemployment, poverty and raging inequalities.
There has been much in the media which strongly points to the fallacy of the belief that the problems of unemployment and a whole host of social evils experienced by Black South Africans will be resolved if those who are undocumented return to their countries of origin.
This is a vitally important, factual and compelling observation, which those who glibly attribute their problems to the presence of other African migrants should consider, because it shows that indeed they are being scapegoated.
But a very big and ominous danger is that it strongly appears that many black South Africans want all migrants to leave South Africa, including those who are properly documented. That would not only be highly unlawful but, in fact, plainly xenophobic or Afrophobic.
On the other hand, if indeed it is true that Nigerians are prominently involved in the drug trade and especially the selling of drugs to teenagers, then it must be dealt with, but we must try to avoid generalisations.
I am sure that there are also Black South Africans who are involved in the drug trade in Black townships.
But there can be no or little doubt that the ANC is going to be adversely affected by the African migrant crisis in the upcoming local government elections in November.
The comments expressed on various social media platforms on this crisis strongly suggest that many or even most think the ANC bears primary responsibility for the immigrant crisis.
This is not to say that the ANC government, until they lost the 2024 national elections, did nothing to address the problems in the Home Affairs Department. But very clearly, they allowed the problems and weakness there to worsen over a long period of time.
It appears that the corruption in Home Affairs over many years has had a very negative impact on both dealing with those problems and available resources. We learnt recently that the department nationally only has 832 officers dealing with these complex immigration issues.
But it is very important to understand that the primary causes of the immigrant crisis are not exogenous, as much as the global situation is so complex that there could indeed be other unfavourable agendas at play. I doubt very much that those are of pivotal causal importance.
No, it is the devastating socioeconomic crisis of worsening poverty, unemployment, inequalities and the related daily miseries and fierce competition for dwindling resources which lie beneath it, which are the biggest causes of the immigration crisis.
Besides, we are the most unequal society in the world, with one of the highest unemployment rates in it, especially among Black youth.
But not even all of that prepared me for the horrors I seen on TV and social media over the past few weeks, when affected undocumented migrants and their families hurriedly tried to get out of the country by the deadline of June 30.
Though not official, the stern warning they were given was to be out of the country by that date.
Migrants being terribly beaten up included some who were documented, and some were even killed, signalling the most dangerous, unfortunate, chaotic and, in fact, tragic situation to have developed recently.
The biggest danger is the insane demand by some protesters that all migrants, included those documented, must leave this country.
If that inclination persists, we are going to descend into utter chaos and naked vigilantism, some elements of which we already seen recently. It is my earnest wish that the government and all forms of our media actively combine to play a role in dissuading such a course of action.
To go down such a disastrous path is going be the worst and most catastrophic development in post-apartheid SA, which we must very urgently avoid. It is a doomsday scenario we must collectively do our utmost to avoid because there will be no winners.
* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.
** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.
